Pen/Insular_Notes

The final government cave-in came right at the end of the month. As I mentioned before, the role of ‘the provinces’ is interesting here. It seems from David Watts’ report in the Times that the unrest in provincial cities, and Kwangju in particular, was decisive in focusing the mind of Chun and his supporters. Seven years after the brutal events of May 1980, rather than a cowed, submissive city, Kwangju was once again in the frontline of the struggle against the dictatorship.

Chun’s party says it will seek free direct elections: Opposition in South Korea wins important concessions from a position of strength
From David Watts
The Times, June 29 1987, Monday

Forced on to the defensive by serious unrest in the provinces, the ruling Democratic Justice Party (DJP) of President Chun Doo Hwan announced concessions to the opposition early today in which they promised the free presidential elections demanded by the opposition.

The DJP will also urge President Chun to allow an amnesty for the leading dissident, Mr Kim Dae Jung, and the immediate release of most political prisoners.

Though clashes in the capital during Friday’s peace march were serious enough, it became clear later that government forces had been unable to control parts of the southern city of Kwangju. Disturbances in other areas were also serious.

The Government claimed a victory in Seoul, the capital, with massive policing and heavy tear-gas barrages, but the National Council of Churches said that more than a million people took to the streets across the country.

The police, however, claimed that fewer than 60,000 people took part in 37 cities and counties. There were 3,467 detentions, but a generally lower level of violence with protesters trying not to give the Government any pretext for stronger measures.

Mr Kim Dae Jung, the principal thorn in the side of the Government, himself believed, when interviewed earlier by The Times, that ‘real change’ would soon take place in South Korean politics.

His solution is one of change to a civilian democracy by the end of this year - which means some months before the 1988 Olympics are set to begin in Seoul. The Government had earlier offered change sometime after the Games.

After his second release from house arrest in as many days, he told The Times: ‘We must have elections before the Olympic Games. We have enough time for elections, amendment of the constitution and direct presidential elections in time for February next year when President Chun leaves power.

‘Yes, the Olympic Games are important but democracy is more important,’ Mr Kim said. ‘A strong democracy could guarantee the Olympic Games. It’s too early to start discussing the removal of the Games. We believe we can overcome our present political crisis and hold successful Games in Seoul. ‘

Mr Kim believed that the opposition strategy would in the end force change on the Government, as it was acting from a position of strength. ‘In spite of the huge number of riot police, we succeeded in having a large number of people on the streets, so many ordinary people, middle class and labourers. The number of demonstrators (on Friday) increased, but violence decreased, so that is good. ‘

He sets great store by the fact that provincial centres showed most resistance to the Government, and proof that the protests are not merely the voice of Seoul intellectuals and the middle class, or of a minority of university students.

Behind him on the wall is a chart with the almost 80 days of his latest period of house arrest marked off. It was lifted for less than eight hours last week before the Government became nervous again on the eve of the opposition peace march.

Even while he was confined to his home, Mr Kim met foreign correspondents, his lifeline to the world. At any time his house was filled with anything up to a dozen writers and television journalists fascinated with this rather portly figure whom successive Governments have found such a threat. He says he has been the target of two assassination attempts, was kidnapped once and sentenced to jail twice, the last time being in 1980 when he received a 20-year sentence under President Chun for allegedly fomenting the anti-Government uprising in Kwangju that year.

that protest ended with hundreds of people being gunned down by the Army. The charge against him was sedition. Originally he was sentenced to be hanged, but the sentence was commuted to jail term. Since then he has spent most of his time either in the United States or under house arrest.

Mr Kim Dae Jung’s name-sake, Mr Kim Young Sam, was his rival for the presidency after the assassination of President Park Chung Hee in 1979. That rivalry helped permit President Chun and his army supporters to seize power. Today the rivalry never seems far from the surface even though Mr Kim Dae Jung has made a commitment to Stephen Cardinal Kim that he is willing to give up his presidential ambitions in order to see civilian government established.

Neither of the opposition figures appeared to be fully committed to democracy in the Western sense and when they talk of democratization it means more precisely a return to civilian government.

Despite his commitment to the cardinal, Mr Kim Dae Jung’s presidential ambitions are ill-concealed - and not without reason. Even with rigged polls he took 46 per cent of the vote against President Park in 1971.

The President knows full well that in a fair, direct election he would not stand a chance against Mr Kim Dae Jung. But two things stand in the way of his candidacy: his long absence in the United States, with disqualifies him on residency grounds, and the outstanding sedition sentence.

But according to Mr Kim Dae Jung, the first step in reforming the constitution is a national referendum to determine the form of government the people want. The Government, he believes, is intent on establishing a Mexican-style one-party system. ‘The middle class has come to realize this and stood up to stop this one-party dictatorship. ‘

WASHINGTON: The US Secretary of State, Mr George Shultz, said yesterday that there was a fair chance South Korea could perform a ‘political miracle’ to eventually bring democracy to the important American ally and trading partner.

‘I think that just as Koreans have performed an economic miracle, at least there is a fair chance they will be able to perform this really political miracle and we want to help them do it,’ Mr Shultz said in an interview on US television.