Pen/Insular_Notes

Update: Judy Han is also blogging on this. Meanwhile, the BBC Asia-Pacific section leads on the (admittedly horrendous) story of the two US journalists imprisoned by North Korea and its other Korea story is the ‘freezer baby’ case.

Looks like Wednesday this week could be a make or break day for democracy and social movements in South Korea. The Lee Myung-bak government has continued its ‘frog boiling’ strategy of gradually ratcheting up repression since the semi-defeat of last year’s candlelight protest movement. There have also been so many reactionary and repressive moves by this government that I’ve pretty much lost track. There have been many protests against this creeping authoritarianism but none of them have brought the necessary numbers onto the streets to even begin to worry MB. Or at least that was true until the suicide of Roh Moo-hyun which seems to have re-energised people’s anger against this government of the elite for the elite (for all the former presidents faults, his death appears to have thrown the barbarism of the current government into sharp relief).

And now the denial of right of assembly in Seoul that even saw people blocked from gathering in order to mourn Roh seems to have become a new focus for protest. Hopefully this Wednesday’s protest will be a massive show of strength, although there is little chance that the riot police will allow it to pass without violence. But there is no reason that the Korean people can’t be victorious this time around, as they were in the movement that climaxed on 10 June 1987.

If you are in Seoul try to join the protest. I unfortunately am not, but I’ll try to report on this as things happen.

For more on this see the statement put out by the Alliance of Scholars Concerned about Korea below:
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I made a rather facile comment the other day in a conversation that very quickly turned out to be apt rather than just glib: South Korea is a predictably unpredictable place.

The one thing I would never have predicted is that former president Roh would throw himself off a mountain. Not only was this event highly unpredictable, it is also hard to predict how it will play out. This is particularly true in the current situation where South Korea’s economy is balanced on a knife edge between bubble and bust and the Lee Myung-bak government is ratcheting up the repression in order to pre-empt a repeat of last year’s mass demonstrations or even the possibility of a mass strike. Already the event has brought thousands onto the streets in a mixture of sorrow and anger and already it has brought them into conflict with the riot police who are blocking off public spaces in Seoul to prevent mourning crowds turning into demonstrations.

Since I won’t be writing anything substantial on this (lots of lovely work to do this bank holiday) here’s an excellent article by Erin Chun putting Roh’s suicide into perspective and placing it in the context of current political and social struggles in Korea.

A good BBC background piece on the situation in Thailand that gets to the heart of the issue, at least within the limits of ‘BBC style’ anyway:

Go to a red-shirt rally and you will hear the same mantra; “We are grass-roots people, fighting for democracy, against the ruling class”.

Go to a yellow-shirt rally and you will almost inevitably hear a different mantra; “We are educated people, fighting against corrupt politicians who abuse democracy”.

Whether or not there are actually ‘no winners’ as this piece suggests remains an open question as far as I’m concerned. Although I’m seeing it from afar this conflict seems to be a having a slow but profound radicalising effect on large swathes of poorer Thais. Whether that radicalisation can simply be absorbed back into the traditional clientilist, royalist and nationalist politics of Thailand (represented by Thaksin as much as by Abbhisit) remains to be seen.

Thai protesters show us the way to deal with international summits. Apparently the prime minister Abhisit has declared an “extreme state of emergency” (I’m sure Zizek could have a field day with that one).

Also, here’s Giles Ungpakorn speaking recently in the UK (where he is in exile) on Lese Majeste and democracy in Thailand:

Many countries have a law designed to crush dissent that masquerades as something else. In Korea it is the National Security Law (국가보안법), often mistakenly understood as a law meant to outlaw support for North Korea. In reality, as recent events have shown, it is simply a tool used to attack and witchhunt radical left or even social democratic groups that are seen as a threat to establishment politics, regardless of their attitude toward the DPRK. It strikes me that Thailand’s lèse majesté law is rather similar: a way to attack political opponents and generally create a climate of fear rather than a law protecting the dignity of the royal family.

The latest victim of Thailand’s repressive lèse majesté law is Giles Ji Ungpakorn, who has recently fled Thailand only weeks after an Australian writer was jailed for three years for supposedly insulting the Thai royal family and that bastion of radicalism The Economist was banned from Thailand for the same.

Here’s the Telegraph on Prof Ungpakorn’s flight, and the Guardian, and something on his case in Korean too.

Of course, as far as I’m concerned even if these laws were restricted simply to punishing those who openly supported North Korea or openly defamed the Thai royal family they would still be wrong on the grounds that the right to criticise those in positions of power or authority or to support other political systems (even fundamentally unpleasant ones) is a crucial element of freedom of speech.

A brief extract from a new interview with Kim Kwang-il of All Together, one of the ‘fugitives’ currently holed up in Chogyesa temple in Seoul as one of the organisers of this summer’s massive candlelight protest movement:

Kim Kwang-il: The start of the demonstrations back in May was the combined result of a whole series of issues that had been thrown up since Lee Myung-bak was elected. From the moment he was elected Lee began announcing a whole host of blatantly right wing neoliberal, anti-democratic and pro-imperialist policies. It was like a policy tsunami—so much so that you became irritated every time you looked at a newspaper or news bulletin. Every day you got up in the morning to find that another right wing policy initiative had been announced in the media.

The gradually worsening economic situation was also behind the sudden explosion of demonstrations. Lee Myung-bak’s core promise in the presidential election was that he would “revive the economy”. This was his so-called “747 pledge” in which he promised to achieve economic growth of 7 percent, average per capita income of 40,000 US dollars, and raise South Korea to the world’s seventh largest economy. Of course this was nothing more than rhetoric that completely ignored the world economic crisis. After Lee took power the economic indicators became gradually worse while the suffering of the exploited grew.

Popular anger gradually built and then on 19 April, when Lee travelled to the US and made an agreement with Bush to allow imports of American beef, this anger exploded. This agreement drastically eased the regulations dealing with the risk of beef infected with BSE. At first the protests against this agreement centred around internet communities. An online petition set up by a high school student attracted more than a million signatures in no time.

Read the rest here.

I reproduce in full below an urgent appeal for solidarity from Korea (see also No Ordinary Sun):

Greetings of international solidarity!

Starting May 2, 2008, South Korean people took to the streets holding candle lights in protest against various policies (import of US beefs in danger of being infected with mad cow disease, privatizations of public broadcasting, health, and public corporations, and the grand-canal project) put forth by the Lee Myung-bak (LMB) government.

The protesters came from all walks of life from elementary school students to 80-year-old seniors, ordinary working people to opposition National Assembly representatives. More than a million people just in the greater Seoul area alone gathered on June 10 for a peaceful candle light protest.

However, the LMB government responded with force, repressing the peaceful candle light protests. It discharged fire extinguisher and water cannon, wielded shields and batons, and crushed the people with military boots. Police Commissioner Eo Cheong-soo is leading what he proclaimed in the mainstream media “the real 80s military dictator style” violent repression.
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I received this rather enticing invitation in my inbox a few days ago:

Dear Sir or Madam,

My name is Joseph Hong and am the Research & Policy Officer at Liberty in North Korea, or LiNK, a nongovernmental organization devoted to the protection of refugees and human rights in North Korea.

We would like to cordially invite you to a funeral procession for the dead and dying of North Korea on July 5, 2008 at 6:00 PM, sponsored by LiNK and No-No Demo. The funeral procession will be held in Cheongyecheon towards Shichong.

Groups organizing protests in Seoul have pledged that one million will turn out to protest over the beef issue on July 5, 2008. Last week, protestors came brandishing steel pipes and bricks, toppling police vans and attacking the offices of several major newspapers. The funeral procession will be next to the protestors and remind them that perhaps there are more pressing issues.

For more details, please visit:
English - http://libertyinnorthkorea.blogspot.com
Korean - http://blog.daum.net/linkglobal

The invitation is attached and we look forward to your response.

Best regards,
—
Joseph Hong
Research and Policy Officer

There are two strange things about this. First, do they not realise that I’m a Kim Il-sung worshipping bbalgaengi son of a bitch? Why would I want to attend a demo organised by a US-government funded organisation that is now joining up with a rightwing South Korean pro-LMB group? Second, and somewhat more seriously, I really wonder about the motives behind this whole enterprise. Holding a rightwing counter demonstration to a potentially million-strong demo of anti-Lee Myung-bak protesters is surely asking for trouble. Unless of course that’s what they actually want…

The reaction begins in earnest…

Both photos from Oh My News.

Eighties nostalgia has been fashionable in the UK for a while now, but reenactments of the Miners’ Strike have not been a feature (actually, on second thoughts…). In Korea meanwhile, by last week the Lee Myung-bak government obviously felt that the candlelight protests had quietened down enough and the time had come for some serious, 1980s Chun Doo-hwan style repression.

There had been some warning signs with increasingly belligerent announcements from the government as well as increasingly confident and violent attacks by far right organisations. Attacks have also come on other fronts with the prosecution beginning criminal investigations into the the TV station MBC’s coverage of the US beef issue and into a movement to boycott companies that advertised in the major rightwing newspapers. But it was on Saturday night at the latest large-scale candle-light demonstration that the government gave a taste of the sort of repression it was prepared to mete out.

As I said before though, a real return to the eighties is not as easy as getting a silly hairstyle, wearing brightly coloured clothes and listening to electro-pop. The anti-2MB protests show no sign of flagging at the moment and for all its bluster the Lee Myung-bak government is really unable to use the sort of repression that was available to Chun Doo-hwan back in the dark days. Or at least so far anyway…

[Note: I’m not being sponsored by the Hankyoreh, but their coverage of recent events in Korea has been invaluable, hence the large number of links here. Clearly many Koreans think so too as their subscriptions have been soaring apparently).

It is interesting - but perhaps already a cliche - to note how over the last decade or so the barricades have been reversed and police forces around the world have become experts in stacking shipping containers to protect places of power and privilege in the same way that the Parisian working class became experts in a similar art during the course of the 19th century.

Paris, June 1848

Seoul, June 2008 (source: OhMyNews)

Of course, one of the consequences of putting all your energy into protecting a centre of power (on this occasion protecting the presidential palace Chongwadae from an anti-government march hundreds of thousands strong) in such a way is that you effectively give up the rest of the city to the protesters. As a police force you also cause yourself other problems such as a lack of mobility. I experienced some of this when I took part in the first of the big beef protest marches on Thursday 29 May. Since the police had decided to take up a position ‘protecting’ the Kwanghwamun junction and other approaches to Chongwadae from the march using their buses, they had blocked themselves in and could go nowhere else. This gave the march the freedom of the city and we wandered apparently aimlessly for a couple of hours, taking over the central streets and no doubt causing traffic chaos. And as I write this, the sea of candle bearing protesters some 500,000 strong has begun to march away from the police barricades, refusing, for the time being to confront directly the metal wall thrown up hastily by the powers that be to protect themselves.

Another consequence is that protesters are able to use the barricades themselves for expressions of protest and humour:

Seoul, June 2008 (source: OhMyNews)

Palestine, 2005 (www.banksy.co.uk)